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Sharan Burrow, General Secretary International Trade Union Confederation said if followed up on, it has the potential to be the strongest agreement since the B20 and the L20 began working together as social partners with the G20.

In a remarkable essay on social movements in Latin America, published on ‘Upside Down World’ (http://upsidedownworld.org/main/index.php) Raul Zibechi states that social policies are ‘counter-insurgency policies, meant to tamp down on mass movement activity’.

It is not the first time I hear this. Many people think that most social policies are ‘assistentialist’, do not contribute to the constitution of social agents and only help to avoid revolutionary movements. This is far too generalizing. It explains why it is so difficult to put social justice on the agenda of leftwing social movements and parties.

I do not agree with this statement.

As the dust settles on the recent July meetings in Geneva of the new UN Intergovernmental Working Group (IGWG) on transnational corporations and other business enterprises, which kicked off negotiations towards a treaty on this topic, there are some interesting developments to consider. These developments concern how the human rights narrative at the UN related to business activities might finally be shifting toward recognition and interaction with important traditional human rights principles.

Ask small questions and you get small answers; ask BIG questions, and you start to see the BIG picture. The United Nations, big NGOs and huge corporations have lots of answers, but are they asking the right questions? 

Right now the UN and co. are building up to telling the world that they can solve global poverty by 2030 with what is essentially business as usual – endless growth of the global economy, with some trickle-down to the poorest. But there’s a problem with this story; it’s irresistible, it’s glittery it’s loud… but it’s just not true.

For a brief ted-talk on social protection as social commons, with thanks to think-tanks.tv

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